The paranoia about a perceived hostile centre allegedly conspiring to dilute the Kashmir’s Muslim majority character is redrawing the discourse in the Valley like never before, writes Riyaz Wani.
May was an exceptionally anxious month in the Valley. Not because of a spike in militancy-related violence, some of which even visited now largely sanitised Srinagar where the three cops were shot dead in broad daylight, but because of the proposed colonies for Kashmiri Pandits and ex-servicemen and the contemplated new yatras. This played to an inherent fear in the Valley about an impending demographic change overseen by the BJP Government in New Delhi, perceived as ideologically antithetical to Muslims.
The consequent anxiety about identity found its expression in the civil society and the separatist-led protest. JKLF supremo Yasin Malik met the heads of the other separatist factions Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq besides Jamaat-e-Islami chief Ghulam Mohammad Bhat, and the business groups to forge a joint strategy against New Delhi’s alleged design to alter the demography of Kashmir. Malik termed the proposed Pandit and Sainik colonies as “do or die” issue for Kashmir. The Valley has since
observed a shutdown over the issue on separatist call.
The State Government, apprehending a large scale public groundswell, again acted fast to control activities of the separatist groups. Geelani and Mirwaiz have mostly been put under house arrest, with later even being barred from addressing Friday sermons at Srinagar’s Grand Mosque. Malik has been arrested time and again to keep him from leading the public protests. The State Government even invoked a 29-year-old pre-militancy case against him to send him to jail. Finally, on June 12, Government allowed a joint separatist seminar on the proposed colonies but again sans Malik, who had been arrested a day ahead. The separatists said they were “united” and “ready” to foil India’s plans to change the “Muslim-majority character of Kashmir.”Geelani, however, said that Kashmiri Pandits were “part and parcel” of Kashmir.
“Muslims will welcome them with open arms. If the government is giving them 20 lakh for rehabilitation, let them give them 30 lakh, but they must be settled at their native places,” he said.
Further attempts by the separatists to mobilise public opinion and direct protests were foiled through pre-emptive measures.
The growing disquiet reinforced by the increasing quantity of the words and headlines in the local press forced Mehbooba to respond. In her speech in the Assembly, Mehbooba denied that the Government had granted land for Sainik colony for ex-servicemen from outside the state, forbidden under Article 370 which prohibits ownership of the property by a non-state subject. She said the proposed Sainik colony will only accommodate the ex-servicemen from the state.
When a local NGO pointed out the construction activity going on at a security area around the old Srinagar airport, Mehbooba slammed the media for carrying the story, clarifying that the activity was routine. “It is Army, which was building quarters for its personnel,” she said. “But media and some NGOs want to put the state on fire”.
However, on Pandits, Mehbooba stood her ground saying they needed “transit accommodations” before they could go back to their native places as advocated by Azadi groups. She, however, added that even in these transit camps, officially referred as composite colonies, Pandit community will share the space with the other communities.
“Kashmiri Pandits will live in transit accommodation and once the situation gets better they can go and live anywhere they want to,” said Mehbooba. “These will be transit accommodations and not townships where 50 percent of accommodation would be kept for Pandits and the remaining 50 percent of people from other migrant communities, including Muslims and Sikhs.”
However, government assurances on the composition of the Pandit colonies have not inspired faith. For one, there is no official order on this. Second, there are too few migrant Muslim and Sikh families to make up the remaining 50 percent. And the government hasn’t also clarified whether Muslim and Sikh families in the colony will also be provided a compensation of 20 lakh due to the Pandit families or asked to pay for the property.
This has only heightened the suspicion that the colonies are exclusively meant for Pandits, as separatists and some Kashmiri civil society groups had warned. Privately also, some PDP leaders don’t see any harm in Pandit-exclusive colonies
“If Pandits feel secure in a Pandit-only colony, we should have no problem,” a senior PDP leader said.
“This would change no demography. Pandits constitute less than 3 percent of the Valley’s population”.
But this is a case that no Valley-based mainstream political party like PDP and National Conference will dare make publicly. In the Valley, the issue spans the contentious subjects of land and the identity, enmeshed with the political conflict over the state. It is about a deep-seated paranoia that New Delhi wants to alter the demography of Kashmir, heightened by the statements to the effect made by some senior BJP leaders like Tarun Vijay and Subramanian Swamy who in the past had called for undoing the “cleansing” of the state of Kashmiri Pandits by “sending one million x-servicemen and families into the Kashmir Valley for re-settlement”.
And taking this narrative forward Vijay recently said that it was “the right of jawans to get a piece of land in the Valley for which they have been shedding their blood and becoming martyrs”.
These statements made it tough for Mehbooba to explain the documents leaked to the press which revealed that the state government had agreed to provide Army 173 kanals of land for the Sainik Colony but the process was halted when Army revised its demand to 350 kanals.
“After obtaining written commitment from the beneficiaries, the number of aspirants increased to 26 officers, 125 JCOs and 900 others, requiring a total of 350 kanals (44 acres) of land,” the Rajya Sainik Board wrote to the government in August last.
Incidentally, the land agreed to be allotted also is near the old airport where the construction is going on.
In the Valley, the issue spans the contentious subjects of land and the identity, enmeshed with the political conflict over the state
The paranoia about a perceived hostile centre allegedly conspiring “to dilute the Valley’s Muslim majority character” is redrawing the discourse in the Valley like never before. It is bringing into full play the issues of land and identity, hitherto more or less dormant elements of the ongoing conflict which operated largely along political and militant dimensions. And this is pitting Kashmiri Muslims not only against New Delhi but also against Pandits who have their own powerful narrative and seek a dignified return to their motherland ensured against a future flight in the event of a resurgence in separatist militancy. Hence, the demand for Pandit-only townships, safeguarded by the security personnel is stoking deep apprehensions among Muslims.
For Muslims, the separate enclaves raise a spectre of “Israeli-type settlements”, an apprehension that the former chief minister and Mehbooba’s father Mufti Mohammad Sayeed had unsuccessfully tried to dispel before his death in January this year and National Conference led by Omar Abdullah, and civil society and separatist groups have tried to reinforce.
In fact, speaking about the Sainik colony, Omar said, “it could be a ruse to settle non-state subjects in Kashmir and hence bypass Article 370”. Omar has also opposed separate Pandit colonies, playing to the public mood in the Valley, his and PDP’s core constituency.
The reasons for the widespread apprehension are not far to seek. In 2014, soon after the BJP government took over, some source based stories in the local media revealed that the Centre had asked the State government to identify and earmark 16,800 kanals of land in three districts of the Valley — Anantnag, Baramulla and Srinagar — where the Pandit families could be resettled.
Each township, according to the proposal doing the rounds, would accommodate at least 75,000-100,000 people. The government will set up a medical college and engineering colleges for each settlement.
Under the plan, 12 police stations would be provided to ensure security to the colonies. The Centre will also provide housing assistance, transit accommodation, cash relief for a period of two years after the Pandits return, besides student scholarships, employment in State government service, assistance to farmers and waiver of the interest component of loans taken by the members of the community before they fled the Valley in 1990.
The plan generated deep unease in the Valley. The then NC-Congress state government didn’t deny it. Nor did the then newly sworn-in central government under Narendra Modi.
Nothing came of the proposal on June 12. However, state government identified a huge chunk of land for the “transit accommodations” for Kashmiri Pandits who have been recruited or would be recruited in government service under the Prime Minister’s Development Package (PMDP) for J&K. The maximum chunk of the land, 286.1 kanals, has been identified in Srinagar followed by 154.09 kanals at Kanispora, Baramulla, 95.12 kanals at Haal in Pulwama, 68 kanals at Sarai, Dangerpora, 52.04 at Gund Shopian, 41.16 kanals at Kharman Kupwara and 25 kanals at Anantnag.
Under 80,000 crore economic package announced by the Modi in November, the Government of India has proposed the construction of 6,000 additional transit accommodation units in the Valley for the migrant Pandits with government jobs or being provided one. Besides, the central government has also approved 3,000 additional jobs for Kashmiri Pandit community under the package.
For Muslims, this signals the government’s resolve to go ahead with the execution of the Pandit settlement plan: 723 kanals for the migrant government employees to be followed by the allotment of a bigger chunk of the land for the apprehended townships for the community.
Kashmiri Pandit narrative too spans the gamut of the politics, land and identity. The continuing exile from Kashmir threatens the community’s very identity as a distinct ethnic group. In the past 26 years, a new Pandit generation has grown up which is not rooted in the Kashmiri culture and doesn’t speak the mother tongue. This generation doesn’t look to their ancestral land as their home.
The exile has plugged a section of the displaced population into a wider world of opportunity. But a significant section which lost everything and was forced to live a life of indignity for many years has struggled to rebuild their lives. The overpowering pull off the home is mostly felt by the older generation with their memories of Kashmir. But then a return to the Valley has a meaning for the community beyond its nostalgia. The land in Kashmir is essential to recover a sense of the lost identity.
But a majority of the Pandits cannot go back to their ancestral places, having sold out their properties to their Muslim neighbours. And wherever the properties are intact, the genuine security issues and a deep sense of estrangement bred by a quarter century of living apart forbid sudden coexistence.
Similarly, the period has witnessed a generational shift in Kashmir too. And to get the new generations of the two communities to live together amid the baggage of the past two decades will require a great social re-adjustment and the accommodation, which is sorely absent.
But this humanitarian aspect of the problem has been overshadowed by the lingering political conflict with its attendant fallout on how the two embattled communities view each other. Both hold stereotypes of each other articulated in an abundance of narratives, anecdotes and conversations. The yearnings intersect and clash. Pandits see Muslims as inherently anti-India and pro-Pakistan and the Muslims see Pandits as being deliberately used by New Delhi to ply a counter-narrative of the Kashmir conflict.
Similarly, Pandits see their exile as the result of the exodus from Valley, Muslim see it as the flight aided by the state. Pandits see their killings in Kashmir as genocide, Muslims never tire of quoting the official figure of only 219 Pandits killed. It is this contradictory politics and the aspirations of the two communities that make the proposed Pandit colonies an explosive issue. A section of the people in both the communities apprehends the colonies will create a psychological barrier and fan further the mutual prejudice and suspicion.
“Aren’t we taking our first steps towards institutionalising the hate and somehow following the Northern Ireland example where the political conflict led to the creation of Peace Wall between Catholics and the Protestants,” says Naseer Ahmad, a local columnist.
In the past 26 years, a new Pandit generation has grown up, which is not rooted in the Kashmiri culture and doesn’t speak the mother tongue
More perceived threats
But in the Valley now, proposed Pandit safe zones are now one of the many contemplated plans which people need to fear and resist. While the political controversy over the separate settlements for Pandits and the ex-servicemen was roiling the Valley, came the revelation that the New Industrial Policy drawn up by the Governor NN Vohra during his three months at the helm, allowed non-state subjects to get on lease the land for setting up businesses outside the industrial estates in the state. The policy is silent on the upper ceiling of the land to be leased. And while the public outcry forced the government to review the policy and put on hold its four controversial clauses, the state government’s decision to initiate work on building the structures for “floating population” in Jammu and Kupwara districts became a fresh source of tension.
“We will construct homes for shelter-less people like those living on the roadside and beneath flyovers. They will not get any ownership rights. They can take shelter there but not on a permanent basis,” Hirdesh Kumar, Commissioner Secretary at Housing and Urban Development Department, said on May 17, adding that the government is also working on a scheme to provide ownership rights of land to Pakistani refugees residing in Jammu.
Though Kumar denied it a day after, the damage had been done, not the least because the only shelter-less people in the Valley are those visiting the state from the other states during summer for work. The extended harsh winter makes it impossible for even the poorest among local people to be without a house of their own. The shelters, being built under National Urban Livelihood Mission, are thus seen as yet another attempt to settle outsiders in the state.
‘We don’t want Kashmiri Pandits to come and stay here as isolated prisoners’
In a candid interview with Riyaz Wani, Jammu and Kashmir Minister of Education, and PDP spokesperson, Naeem Akhtar shares the government’s take on the issue of resettling Kashmiri Pandits in the Valley and how the state is going to execute the plan.
Edited excerpts from an interview
What do you think of the government’s proposed plan to build colonies for Kashmiri Pandits in the Valley which has again run into controversy?
Kashmir has suffered a tremendous upheaval in the past 26 years. So whatever action is now being taken has to be looked at in this context. You cannot take the context away and reach the conclusion that government is making separate colonies or mixed colonies. It is not something which is being done suddenly.
The goal of this process is to reverse the loss the Kashmiri society suffered during 1987-90. For me, it is a larger tragedy because migration of Pandits was the end of a civilisation. It was the end of a very distinct culture. It had the same impact on Kashmir as Partition had on the preceding culture. As a Kashmiri Muslim, the onus is on me to get Pandits back and tell the world that we are genuinely interested in getting them back.
But why only separate settlements?
We have not created anything new. We are only adding to the amenities and the scale of transit camps that have already been established in the Valley. Why was it not a problem then and why is it a problem now? You have Sheikhpora, Mattan, Wisoo, Kupwara, Baramulla and other places. We are only trying to provide the same launching pad for those Pandits who want to come back and pick up the thread again.
Till now we were getting youngsters of Pandit community back and providing them some space. Now that attempt is being upgraded for others as well. It will not add to my glory or glory of my government to keep Kashmiri Pandits in these colonies. I feel happy that we have young boys and girls from Pandit community serving as teachers in every village.
As a Kashmiri Muslim, I feel proud when I see two or three Kashmiri Pandits teaching in our schools with the highest dedication. They are mixing again. We need to provide same space to others who want to come back for reasons other than employment. We are not dictators, this is a democratic government.
Do Separatists and some Kashmiri civil society groups want the government to settle Pandits in their native places?
The alternate strategy is that Pandits should move to their native places. For a quarter of a century, they have stayed outside the Valley. Do the respectable leaders, who are against colonies, seriously believe that the Pandits can return to their native places? How can we tell Pandits to go back to their ancestral places or send their children back to their old homes — this is the kind of challenge we face. We don’t want them to come and stay here as isolated prisoners. We have to give them a secure place to board our buses, or visit our markets. I get excited to see Pandits back here. We are trying to build an atmosphere conducive to their return by giving these facilities.
Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti says Pandit colonies will be of composite nature where migrant non-Pandits can also live. How are you going to achieve this?
There are non-Pandits who will join Pandits in these colonies. The procedure to avail the accommodation for both is going to be the same. Whosoever wants to come back has to have a permanent residence certificate of Kashmir. This will be a facility for those who still feel insecure in Kashmir. There are many Muslims who have run away from their homes and stay in hotels here. They are entitled as much as others to stay in these colonies.
Do we have any government order on this? What will be the composition of the different communities living in these colonies?
I will not bring it down to percentages but I am sure that it is an open door policy for everyone. This is a matter of understanding and you don’t need to have a government order for this. It is a general policy and the thumb rule is that anyone who has been forced to migrate by the circumstances is welcome.
Have you encouraged separatists to become a part of the process?
Separatists should take such initiatives. It is not our concern alone. It is a positive thing if Syed Ali Shah Geelani does it. Other separatist leaders should give Pandits a level of confidence which will not come from government measures alone. Thousands of families have had to migrate and we are not providing accommodation to everyone. A thousand or two thousand sets will not accommodate everyone. It is for everyone who is interested in coming back and we want each of them back.
Bihar yet to do its bit for military personnel
By Kanhaiya Bheleri
With 1.5 lakh personnel in the defence services, Bihar happens to be one of the leading states after Uttar Pradesh in the country in terms of providing manpower to the Army. Ironically, the successive state governments have never been serious towards providing facilities to the serving and retired army men. One of the biggest problems they are facing is housing.
VK Singh, (Col retd), President of Bihar State Ex-servicemen League, said that Army Welfare Housing Organization (AWHO) had been building housing complexes for armed forces across the country. “Construction of these complexes is in progress in all the metropolitan cities of Punjab, Haryana, Kerala and Himachal Pradesh. These states have provided adequate land in their respective states for building housing complexes for serving and retired armed forces”, he said. “Bihar government appears not to be serious towards our problems”.
The league president added that the AWHO has been approaching the Bihar government for long to provide land at reasonable prices for construction of housing colonies for armed forces at different places in Bihar. Armed forces need at least 10 acres of land in Patna to start construction of Army colonies. The state government has repeatedly been giving assurances.
According to Col (retd) Singh, the number of serving officers in Army from Bihar is 300 while the number of retired Army officers could be around 1,000. The number of soldiers from Bihar could be in thousands. The league president told Tehelka that Army constructs housing colonies for armed forces under ‘Jawan Awas Yojna’ scheme across the country. Two such projects have been completed on a priority basis in Jaipur and Allahabad.
“Unfortunately, Bihar has not formulated such a scheme so far, even after our requests. We require land in different towns of the state that includes Patna, Muzaffarpur, Bhagalpur, Ara, Chhapra and Siwan,” he said.
The civil-military liaison conference held in 2010 had discussed the housing problem. The state government’s representative in the conference had assured to arrange land to the Army for the construction of colonies in a year or two but no step has been taken in that direction until today.
The state government has constructed Defense Colony in Kankarbagh locality of Patna for the families of the army men who lost their lives or sustained a serious injury during 1971 Indo-Pak War. Today the condition of the colony is deplorable with non-availability of basic amenities.
Ramnath Paswan, who lives in flat no 291, said, “During the rainy season, the colony premise resembles a river because of water-logging”.
Meanwhile, the armymen are suffering a lot due to liquor prohibition in the state imposed by the government.
Till this edition went to the press, 33 soldiers had been arrested by the police with bottles they were carrying with them while travelling on the train. The General Officer in Commanding of Jabalpur met the Bihar excise minister Abdul Jalil Mastan on June 17 and requested the latter to stop proceedings against the arrested soldiers but in vain.
Army, state agencies in rift over piece of land
The UP government has funded huge amount of money to construct the building for a private body known as All India Kaifi Azmi Academy on a land that Army claims to be part of their trans Gomti Rifle range, writes MUDIT MATHUR
A new row is brewing between Indian Army and agencies of state government over a piece of land in the posh locality of the state capital where obliviously, as an outreaching effort to appease minority community, the state government has funded huge amount of money to construct the building for a private body known as All India Kaifi Azmi Academy on a land that Army claims to be part of their trans Gomti Rifle range.
The construction work has been awarded to UP Rajkiya Nirman Nigam (UPRNN), a corporation under the control of Public Works Department that is presently led by powerful Minister Shivpal Singh Yadav. The UPRNN has got more than Rs. Two crores for construction and its activities are in full swing. Academy also gets an annual grant from culture department to organise its awards function.
The matter came to public domain when officiating Station Commander Brigadier M C Pant as a quasi-judicial authority issued a show cause notice on 5 May 2016 to Lucknow Nagar Nigam, UPRNN and All India Kaifi Azmi Academy under the provisions of Public Premises (Eviction of Unauthorized Occupants) Act, 1971 informing them that the building i.e. Paper Mill Colony is forming part of Trans Gomti Rifle Range land belonging to the Army and is actually a Defence Land under management of Quartermaster General IHQ of MoD (Army), New Delhi.
Brigadier’s notice clearly states that any erection of building on the said public premises is illegal and unauthorized building/construction should be removed from the said premises on or before the 15 May 2016 or to show cause why they should not be removed on or before the above-mentioned date.
While the Secretary of the All India Kaifi Azmi Academy Syed Saeed Mehndi remained tightlipped about the entire matter except denying Army’s claim on the basis of revenue records according to him put up in a meeting called by District Magistrate Raj Shekher to sort out dispute amicably. He said the claim of the Army is just based on a map whereas in the matter of land the revenue records are final word where it is not recorded as a “Defence Land.” The Academy is a private entity wherein some foreign nationals are playing senior developer’s role with noted film actress Shabana Azmi as its patron. Nobody is there to explain the credentials and the exact role of Mike Timobbs, Remo Silvaus and Niscal Deon who are prominently displayed on their website.
Mr. Mehndi refused to divulge his response to the notice of Army and suggested to enquire the matter from revenue officers.
However, the Tehsildar of Lucknow Nagar Nigam replied to the Army notice ten days after the stipulated time for a reply saying that the notice liable to be cancelled as the land in question does not belong to Army and it is registered as “Nazool land” in the revenue records. He narrated that Khasra no 37 and 38 of Mohalla Hasanganj Paar (Now known as Paper Mill Colony) measuring about 5850 Square Meters was marked for School when the land of Hasanganj Paar was acquired and on Nazool land Lucknow Improvement Trust under the then Nagar Palika constructed residential Paper Mill Colony in 1963. Initially, Nagar Palika used to run the School there, but subsequently, it was handed over to Basic Education Department that is running the School. In view of the government decision, the Education Department has given 4500 Square Meters of land for the building of All India Kaifi Azmi Academy to UPRNN.
Nagar Nigam in its reply made it clear that the concerned part of land since 1862 is being recorded in revenue records as Nazool Land and it is situated in a populated area so the claim of Army that it is part of their “Trans Gomti Rifle Range” is unjustified.
Now the matter is under consideration with the Bridger as a quasi-judicial authority to examine all facts and records before passing the demolition orders, or take a different view on the basis of records of Army and Revenue authorities of the state.